It may be unfair to measure ruling party's maiden year agri-goals against above definition, since it had failed to draw this distinction in its manifesto either. In a single breath, the manifesto spoke of "gross neglect of small farmers, need to make inputs cheaper to make farming more profitable, while retaining control on commodity prices to fight inflation".
The document was a partial disappointment as it lacked any path-breaking proposals, despite bragging to have been prepared by country's top progressive-farming brains. But given its agri-czar's pre-election dual role as kingmaker, the manifesto may be forgiven for lack of detail.
Nevertheless, if there is any deadly sin that PTI's agro-reform agenda may yet be held accountable for, its sloth. Not only did the manifesto mention need to impose an 'agriculture emergency', the term began to make rounds as early as last August as soon as it took power. Yet, it took another 11 months before the plan could be finalized and taken to the PC-1 drawing board for feasibility approval.
The argument that interventions under 'agriculture emergency' had to be clubbed with annual budget does not hold because the scope of the program is not limited to a single fiscal period anyway. The Rs309 billion outlays are planned over four years and hinge upon federal and provincial governments splitting the bill equally.
Much has already been written about the weaknesses in the agri-emergency program; but from a representative democracy lens, party's real test is whether the plan measures up against its electoral promises, even if belatedly.
In line with party's commitment to "drastically cut water losses in agriculture", the largest outlay is for water resources - a total of Rs220 billion. Over 80 percent of this has been earmarked for conserving water through lining half of country's total watercourses length, along with installation of fourteen thousand water storage tanks. Water conservation? Check.
It is no surprise that the incumbents have failed to earmark funding for Diamer-Bhasha, despite tall promises. While it may be convenient to blame it on IMF-imposed austerity on development budget, given the dam's $14bililion cost it was never going to see light of the day - whether under PTI, PML-N or even military rule.
If there is one sub-sector within agriculture that fails to act like a lobby, its livestock - despite over fifty percent contribution to sectoral GDP. Just Rs5.3billion have been set aside over four years (remember, 50-50 cost-sharing!) for increasing livestock productivity through "save and fattening of calf" program.
This is against Rs14billion for fishery alone - commendable in its own right - but that goes on to highlight the indifference to livestock, its high fragmentation and lack of organization keeping it from fighting for itself.
The agenda is lacking in scale and scope despite manifesto promises of sustained interventions in feed quality, vaccination, genetic improvement, and enforcement of standards in dairy and meat industries. The country is on the verge of facing a creeping livestock crisis, and like many others before it may only become primetime fodder once its too late.
Any comment on cropping sector depends on readers' expectations of PTI. No reference is made to any minor high-value low-delta crops such as fruits, vegetables, pulses and legumes, indicating that when it comes to farming, fixation with major crops is a hard-drug addiction to give up, even for party of 'change'.
But even within major crops, the policy has pulled off a sleight of hand; while Rs19billion is set aside for increasing wheat productivity, cotton has been ignored wholescale. Instead, Rs15billion shall be spent on sugarcane and rice, crops already doing nominally well.
So far, the "Agriculture Emergency" program remains the only salient program to measure party's performance against in a sector that contributes up to 60 percent directly and indirectly to total GDP according to Hafiz Pasha, and more than three-fourths of exports.
With close Rs80billion set to be spent in first year, the proof of the pudding will lie in the eating. Given agriculture is a provincial subject, it remains to be seen whether project's execution will witness major teething issues. It helps that Punjab's provincial government is not seen to be too independent of the bosses in Islamabad, given the province is responsible for more than two-thirds of agri output.
However, Sindh's lack of participation in the design and subsequent approval of national agri-plan was highlighted even in the media talk by Minister of MNFS&R. It remains to be seen whether the funds for projects earmarked for the province shall be allocated elsewhere or will simply dry out.
Though, as an unintended consequence, Sindh's performance in agriculture over the next four years, financed by its own budget, can prove to be a good litmus test whether agriculture and irrigation can do well as provincial subjects, with little intervention from federation. Despite being out of power at national level for over six years, it is ironic that the burden to prove 'devolution project' a success may once again fall to PPP.